Poetry and Ozymandias Heart Essay

How life goes on: the analyzing of diction and imagery in â€Å" Ozymandias† The poem â€Å"Ozymandias† by Percy Bysshe Shelley is about a traveler telling the speaker about a statue in the desert. This statue is half sunk in the sand and the traveler explains that the â€Å"sneer of cold command† on the statue’s face shows that the sculptor understood the passions of the statue’s subject. This man sneered at the people who were not as powerful as him, but he fed his people because of something in his heart. The Traveler goes on and says that on the pedestal of the statue, it is written, â€Å"My name is Ozymandias’, king of kings: / Look on my works, ye Mighty, and despair!† But when you look all around the statue for the â€Å"works† there is nothing but sand and a bare desert. In this poem, Percy Bysshe Shelley creates the image of destroyed sculptures to show that nature destroys all and his choice of diction is quite intere sting. The diction in this poem creates a strong sense of imagery. The notable diction is combined with alliteration to create even more powerful imagery, such as the â€Å"Sneer of col command†. Ozymandias’-â€Å"ozy† meaning air and â€Å"mandias† meaning King/God, is a sonnet, a fourteen lined poem metered in iambic pentameter. Percy Bysshe Shelley uses words such as, Trunk-less- torso is gone, visage- another name for face, and colossal- which is an allusion of the colossus of roads. He uses this choice of diction to interest the reader furthermore by being more descriptive and letting the readers imagination go wild. The poem â€Å"Ozymandias† has two voices. The first is the speaker, who tells the entire poem. The other is the traveler, who tells the main speaker about the poem. The speaker tells us the traveler is from an â€Å"antique land,† which is a metaphor for the old age of his country. Antiques are valued mainly for their age and are almost always not modern. The traveler is described as well- traveled, knowledgeable, and wise. The Traveler’s whole speech is about a statue that he once saw in the middle of a desert. He tells us that the â€Å"trunk† of the statue is gone; The head of the statue lies in the sand at the feet of the legs and the expression on the face is still visible. There is a lot of death in this poem. The figure represented in the statue is dead, along with the civilization to which it once belonged. The Traveler says that the lip is â€Å"wrinkled†, but he says this is not because of old age but it is the â€Å"sneer of cold command†. This leaves the reader with an impression that Ozymandias’ was a cold ruler and had no trouble giving orders. In this  octave though it is suggests that the stone is â€Å"lifeless†, but on it is some â€Å"passions†. The reader, most likely imagines that these passions are greed, conceit, and other passions that are appropriate to a harsh, power-loving ruler. These same passions are said by the traveler to â€Å"survive† the â€Å"hand that mocked them,† which would be the sculptor, and the â€Å"heart that fed† them, which is Ozymandias’.The poem is consistent to a single metaphor: the shattered, ruined statue in the desert wasteland, but another metaphor is â€Å"the heart that fed†. Ozymandias’ heart â€Å"fed† these passions. The heart seemed to be compared to a powerful figure and the passions seemed more like an animal the master throws some food to, but I think the sense is more that Ozymandias’ heart fed on the passions. When you look at it like this, Ozymandias’ heart becomes a killer and the passions his prey. It seems obvious then that the passions kept the heart alive and beating, the passions are sustenance to the heart. The passions don’t seem to be suggested to be bad, but Ozymandias’ feeding on these passions of greed and conceit resulted in evil, the same evil we see on the statue’s face. His image of the broken sculpture shows how things change over time and that human beings and materialistic values are seasonal and are bound to end. They are all prone to be affected by the laws of time.

Is Lebanon a Fragile State?

Introduction Middle Eastern nation states came into existence not as a result of naturally-evolving and unique historical, social, or political processes reaching a nexus of cohesion, but rather, they emerged as a manifestation of the fragility of colonial power in the region (Zweiri a. o. 2008: 4). The history of statehood in the Middle East and its establishment by colonial powers has ensured that this remains a fragile and unstable region (Zweiri a. o. 2008: 4).After the collapse of the Ottoman empire the state structure of Lebanon, for example, was instituted to ensure the protection and local hegemony of the Christian Maronites, who were backed by the French in the 1930s and 1940s (Zweiri a. o. 2008: 4). The consequences of this structuring can still be felt today (Zweiri a. o. 2008: 4). Furthermore, external actors continue to provide support – either through foreign aid or their policies – to certain select actors within fragile state systems.Such a process of â €Å"choosing sides† only causes further instability and exacerbates state fragility (Zweiri a. o. 2008: 4). In the contemporary turbulent world of globalization and ever-increasing interdependence across individuals, groups, international organizations and nation-states, the existence of weak/fragile/failed states is more and more seen as a significant concern (Iqbal & Starr 2007: 2). The media, states, and international organizations have seen such states as threats to order and stability in the international system (Iqbal & Starr 2007: 2).Failed states are seen as being associated with a range of problems: economic, social, political, and military (Iqbal & Starr 2007: 3). And they are seen as having a wide range of negative consequences for their own people, their neighbors, their regions, and the global community; â€Å"the chief reason why the world should worry about state failure is that it is contagious† (The Economist, cited in Iqbal & Starr 2007: 3). Is Lebano n a fragile state?Since her independence Lebanon has struggled in keeping up the difficult balance: a small country in a conflict zone, Christians versus Muslims, the civil war, the negative influence of big neighbor Syria, the role of the Palestinians and the refugee problem, the tension with Israel, the murder of former prime minister Rafik Hariri on 14 February 2005 which put the political order of the country in great danger, the emergence of Muslim adicalism and extremism and the rise of Hezbollah, the crumbling of the Christian community and the role of the Lebanese diasporas. To answer this question the political order of Lebanon will be examined from a geo-political and internal perspective. The book Lebanon: Liberation, Conflict and Crisis, is taken as starting point for this paper. It is one of the books from the ‘Middle East in Focus series’, edited by Barry Rubin. The Middle East has become simultaneously the world’s most controversial, crisis-ridden, and yet least-understood region.Taking new perspectives on the area that has undergone the most dramatic changes, the Middle East in Focus series seeks to bring the best, most accurate expertise to bear for understanding the area’s countries, issues, and problems. The resulting books are designed to be balanced, accurate, and comprehensive compendiums of both facts and analysis presented clearly for both experts and the general reader. To answer the central question, the concept of a ‘fragile state’ will first be scrutinized. In the following section the demographics of Lebanon will be reflected upon. The third section outlines the Lebanese state and political system.The fourth section takes into consideration the external influences on the country. The final section depicts the effects of these various factors on the fragility of the Lebanese political system. 1. Conceptualization and determinants of a fragile state The Failed States Index 2010 ranks Lebanon on the 34th place. With a score of 90. 9/120 the country is considered to be â€Å"in danger† (Foreign Policy 2011b). What does â€Å"state failure† actually mean? There is no agreement on what constitutes fragility and no state likes to be labeled as fragile by the international community (Iqbal & Starr: 4, see also Stewart and Brown 2010).Below a set of existing definitions or characterizations of the general phenomenon of state failure will be outlined. It is helpful to begin by looking at existing definitions within the aid community. According to the Fund for Peace â€Å"A state that is failing has several attributes. One of the most common is the loss of physical control of its territory or a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. Other attributes of state failure include the erosion of legitimate authority to make collective decisions, an inability to provide reasonable public services, and the inability to nteract with other states as a full member of the inte rnational community. The 12 social, economic, political and military indicators cover a wide range of elements of the risk of state failure, such as extensive corruption and criminal behavior, inability to collect taxes or otherwise draw on citizen support, large-scale involuntary dislocation of the population, sharp economic decline, group-based inequality, institutionalized persecution or discrimination, severe demographic pressures, brain drain, and environmental decay. States can fail at varying rates through explosion, implosion, erosion, or invasion over different time periods. (Foreign Policy 2011a). The UK’s Department for International Development (DfID) definition of fragile states focuses on service entitlements (Stewart and Brown 2005: 1-2). DfID defines fragile states as occurring â€Å"†¦ where the government cannot or will not deliver core functions to the majority of its people, including the poor. The most important functions of the state for poverty re duction are territorial control, safety and security, capacity to manage public resources, delivery of basic services, and the ability to protect and support the ways in which the poorest people sustain themselves. (DfID 2005: 7). Four broad categories of â€Å"indicative features of fragile states† were provided: state authority for safety and security; effective political power; economic management; administrative capacity to deliver services (Iqball & Starr: 4). Each was categorized in terms of â€Å"capacity† to provide them, and the â€Å"willingness† to provide them (Iqball & Starr: 4). In as much, DfID explicitly notes that it does not restrict its definition of fragility to conflict or immediate post-conflict countries (Stewart and Brown 2005: 2).Non-conflict countries which are failing to ensure service entitlements constitute fragile states under DfID’s definition; similarly, countries in conflict but which are nonetheless providing an acceptabl e level of service entitlements to the majority of the population would not constitute fragile states under DfID’s definition (Stewart and Brown 2005: 2). The definition which the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) employs, is similar but goes beyond a government’s failure to provide comprehensive services and includes the protection of the population’s human rights and security: ‘States are fragile when state tructures lack political will and/or capacity to provide the basic functions needed for poverty reduction, development and to safeguard the security and human rights of their populations’ (Stewart & Brown 2010: 9). Finally, for the World Bank ‘fragile states’ refers to â€Å"countries facing particularly severe development challenges: weak institutional capacity, poor governance, and political instability. Often these countries experience ongoing violence as the residue of past severe conflict.Ongoing ar med conflicts affect three out of four fragile states† (World Bank 2011). From this brief review, we can see that there are considerable areas of overlap in the current use of the term ‘fragile states’ within the development community, but also differences of breadth and emphasis. Here, in this paper, fragile states are to be defined as states that are failing, or at risk of failing, with respect to authority, comprehensive basic service provision, or legitimacy.Authority failures are cases where the state lacks the authority to protect its citizens from violence of various kinds; service failures are cases where the state fails to ensure that all citizens have access to basic services; legitimacy failures occur where the state lacks legitimacy (Stewart & Brown 2010: 10). 2. Demographic dilemmas One of the features that distinguish Lebanon in the region is its social composition, a spectrum of different religious minorities. (Fawaz 2009: 25). A large majority of t he 4. million Lebanese belong to one of three main sects—Sunni Muslims, Shi’a Muslims, and Maronite Christians—with Greek Orthodox, Druze, and over a dozen other groups comprising the rest (Farha 2009: 83). Demographic and political representations never fully overlapped in the course of Lebanon’s history (Farha 2009: 83). Recurrent phases of incongruity between demographic and political balances of power have been a major driving force in all cycles of conflict (Farha 2009: 83). â€Å"Lebanon’s modern history has been punctuated by periodic outbreaks of fratricidal violence, followed by political compromises that recalibrated the istribution of power and privilege among the major confessional communities† (Farha 2009:83). Let’s have a closer look at the demographics of Lebanon. In Lebanon we find higher Muslims birthrates (Farha 2009: 87). Fertility favors the Shi’a of Lebanon in particular and the Muslims in general (Raphaeli 2009: 110). However, a projection based on fertility rates, ignores the lower infant and child mortality rates among Christians, which have counterbalanced higher Muslim birthrates to some extent (Farha 2009: 87).Some doubt should always be cast on the accuracy of projected estimates with regard to the precise size of the resident population as the last census took place in 1932. Different actors present different numbers for different political reasons (Farha 2009). Emigration is a big issue; there are more Lebanese living abroad than Lebanese-born living inside the country. A disproportionately high rate of Christian emigration took place from the mid-nineteenth- through the twentieth century, particularly during and after eruptions of civil strife in 1860, 1914–1918, and 1975–1990 (Farha 2009: 86). Over 900,000 Lebanese emigrated between the outbreak of civil war in 1975 and 2001† (Farha 2009: 86). By 2006, the size of the Christian community was reduced to 3 0 percent of the total Lebanese population (Raphaeli 2009: 110). However it is said that these recent immigrants were not only Christians, but also Muslims (Farha 2009: 86). It is debated whether the Christian Lebanese people worldwide outnumber the Muslim Lebanese. Against the notion that descendants of Lebanese Christians comprise the overwhelming majority of the Lebanese in the diaspora, Farha (2009: 86) argues that emigration is equally sought By Muslims and Christians.Moreover, a 2006 study conducted by the Lebanese Emigration Research Center at NDU found that the percentage departure rates within each confession were almost equal (Farha 2009: 86). This is politically relevant as MP Nimtallah Abi Nasr hopes to expand the prospective pool of expatriate Christian voters with his campaign for a (re)naturalization of second and third-generation Lebanese abroad (Farha 2009: 87). Also â€Å"Hezbollah has actively encouraged first-generation Shi’a emigrants to register their c hildren as citizens for much the same reason (Farha 2009: 87)†.Lebanon’s current power sharing covenant is far out of step with demographic realities (Farha 2009: 88). â€Å"Even the most conservative statistical conjectures leave Lebanese Muslims significantly underrepresented in the parliament and the council of ministers, an incongruity that will grow in the years ahead† (Farha 2009: 88). A revision of the 1989 Ta’if agreement, which was the basis for ending the decades-long Lebanese civil war, and in which the Christians gave up their majority whereby granting Muslims a true partnership in the political process, has been discussed though.However, up till now we see that the Ta’if agreement is being preserved not amended. Amending the Ta’if will not serve the interests of the Christians considering the population-increase of non-Christians. In view of the growing disequilibrium between demographic and political representation in Lebanon, a recalibration of the Ta’if power-sharing formula along the lines of a tripartite division of power (muthalatha) among Christians, Sunnis, and Shi’a is all but inevitable in the coming years (Farha 2009: 90).While a tripartite division of power may not correspond precisely with Lebanon’s demographic balance, it is the closest possible approximation in the absence of a census and the only recalibration formula that could conceivably win the support of all three (Farha 2009: 90). â€Å"So long as no one sect compromises a demographic majority few Lebanese would feel themselves egregiously underrepresented by a tripartite division of power† (Farha 2009: 90).However, while proposals to this effect have circulated for over two decades a sweeping revision of the Constitution is highly unlikely in the short term (Farha 2009: 90). â€Å"Indeed, the main leaders of both March 14 and the opposition have explicitly rejected Sunni-Shi’a-Christian tripartism a s an alternative to Muslim-Christian parity—a position that perhaps has less to do with innate preferences than with the political exigencies of appealing to a deeply divided and anxious Christian community† (Farha 2009: 90).Ideally, Lebanon should of course be reconfigured on a non-confessional basis. A political system is needed which is not based on the (numerical) strength of religious communities. â€Å"Although, deconfessionalization may be a better cure for Lebanon’s ailments in principle, in practice those who hold positions of power under the sectarian system are not likely to promulgate its abrogation† (Farha 2009: 90) . 3. The dilemmas of the Lebanese political system and state 3. The state â€Å"In Lebanon there is controversy over the nature of the state, as well as over national identity† (El-Khazer 2004: 6). There is a problem of defining the boundaries of the state and, more important, of the nation (El-Khazen 2004: 6). Lebanon is a multi-communal state which raises the question of legitimacy, and, by extension, the effectiveness of the political system in situations of crisis (El-Khazen 2004: 6). We see loyalties transcending state boundaries.El-Khazen (2004: 8) argues that several, interpretations explaining the weakness of the Lebanese state, and later the causes of its collapse in the mid-1970s such as the growing imbalance between loads and capabilities on the political system, the divisive forces inherent in Lebanon’s political system, increasing socio-economic inequalities along sectarian, class and regional lines or government inefficiency, nepotism and corruption, are of limited explanatory value, as none of these problems where unique to Lebanon. While Lebanon shares broad characteristic with other heterogeneous societies, it has particular features of its own† (El-Khazen 2004: 32).First Lebanon has a large number of communities that are politically active, some of whom have distinctly co mmunal agenda’s; second, in Lebanon there is no numerically dominant group which constitutes 60 or 70 percent of the total population (furthermore, the differences in the size of the three major groups are relatively small, which limits political significance); third is the changing demographic balance in Lebanon; fourth, communal transformations in Lebanon have not reached a significant degree of maturity, moreover, in Lebanon communal development has been in constant flux and disputes have changed partly because of internal politics and partly because of the unstable regional situation which has deeply affected Lebanon; fifth, what sets Lebanon apart from other divided societies is the regional order with which it has had to interact, the Middle East in one of the most unstable regional orders in the post-Second World War international system (El-Khazen 2004: 32).Where Lebanon’s problems ultimately differ according to El-Khazen (2004: 10) is in the nature and scope o f externally-generated problems originating mainly from its regional order – specifically the Arab state system and post-1967 PLO. â€Å"Lebanon’s confessional political system (†¦) functioned relatively well for over three decades. It collapsed when it was subjected to pressure, particularly externally-generated pressure, which the system could not contain while preserving its open character and the plural nature of society† (El-Kahzen 2004:32). El-Khazen (2004: 6) suggests three phases which characterize the breakdown of the state in Lebanon: first the erosion and eventual loss of power; second, the political paralysis and power vacuum; third, the collapse of state institutions and the eruption of violence. 3. 2 The political systemEver since it attained independence from the French in 1943, Lebanon’s political system has been based on the National Charter (al-mithaq al-watani)—an unwritten but enforced pact that recognizes the division of t he country into religious communities (Raphaeli 2009: 110). According to the 1943 National Pact between sectarian leaders, the president would be a Maronite; the prime minister a Sunni; and the parliamentary speaker a Shi’a (Harris 2009: 16). The charter’s distribution of power among the various religious communities reflects the fact that in the 1940s, Christians represented 60 percent of the population and the various Muslim communities occupied the remaining 40 percent (Raphaeli 2009: 110).This was adjusted to an even split in 1989. Unstable multisectarian factions rather than ideological parties have dominated the legislature (Harris 2009: 17). The Lebanese political system has some positives to it. First, Lebanon is one of the very few Middle Eastern countries where the government arises from parliament (Harris 2009: 17). Second, the Lebanese system has been the political framework for a dynamic public pluralism unheard of anywhere else in the Arab world (Harris 2 009: 17). Even the intimidation from 1990 to 2005 by the Damascus-directed security apparatus did not destroy a freewheeling civil society and an assertive media (Harris 2009: 17).Third, the reemergence of â€Å"confessional democracy† in May 2005, with Syria’s enforced military withdrawal and the first free elections since 1972, produced a parliamentary balance close to the probable numerical weight of major political forces (Harris 2009: 17). Still, Lebanon’s political system has many deficiencies. Between 1975 and 2005, it effectively ceased to function, with 15 years of violent breakdown followed by 15 years of manipulative Syrian hegemony—a hegemony approved by the West until about 2000 (Harris 2009: 17). Even when operating, the system has never reconciled representation of communities with representation of individual citizens (Harris 2009: 17). Parliamentary deputies are elected under sectarian labels at the same time as they are constitutionally bound to act for the citizenry regardless of sect (Harris 2009: 17).The allocation of parliamentary seats has become out of line with the numerical weighting of the communities (Harris 2009: 17). Only an internationally supervised census, which no one wants, can resolve the issue (Harris 2009: 17). Every community has its demographic mythology, which they do not want punctured (Harris 2009: 17). The Shi’a community has increased from one-fifth of the population in 1932 to probably around one-third today. Even under the 1989 adjustment, it gets 27 seats out of 128 when it should have at least 40 (Harris 2009: 17). 4. Regionally powered dilemmas â€Å"The external connections of Lebanon’s communal blocs involve antagonists in Middle Eastern disputes† (Harris 2009: 10).The Maronite Catholics have longstanding relations with the west; Lebanon’s Shi’a provided religious scholars who assisted the conversion of Iranians to Twelver Shi’ism in the si xteenth century, Lebanese Sunni affinities is more with Saudi-Arabia (Harris 2009: 10). The extension of Lebanon’s differences reach[es] into the divide between Sunni Arab states and Shi’a Iran and into the standoff between the United States, France, and Saudi Arabia on one hand and Syria and Iran on the other. â€Å"In this sense, Lebanon really is the cockpit of the Middle East† (Harris 2009: 10). As we shall see it is in Syrian, Israeli and Iran’s interest to see a high degree of conflict. 4. 1 Syria Due to its geography and history, Lebanon always has to deal with Syria, whose regime had always considered it as an ‘illegitimate political entity’ that has to be dominated.According to Harris (2009: 1) â€Å"Lebanon is therefore the target of all the ambitions and phobias of the Syrian dictatorship, which cannot function as an Arab power without commanding the Lebanese†. Lebanon’s multicommunal history makes for problems of coh erence in modern Lebanese politics. â€Å"Communal suspicion—today principally on a Sunni-Shi’a fault line—produces paralysis that saps Lebanon’s viability and pluralist foundations. This is fine for a Syrian Ba’thist regime that denies there is anything significant about the Lebanese and their history, despises pluralism, and regards restored command of Lebanon as vital to its own viability as the â€Å"beating heart† of Arabism† (Harris 2009: 20). Syria and its Lebanese allies paralyzed the Lebanese state, declaring the government illegitimate, refusing to allow parliament to meet, and blocking the election of a Lebanese president after Emile Lahoud finally left office in November 2007. Syrian military intelligence manipulated so-called al-Qa’ida elements in a Palestinian refugee camp in northern Lebanon—the Fath al-Islam group—to destabilize Lebanon, debilitate its army, and disrupt Lebanon’s Sunni commu nity† (Harris 2009: 19). â€Å"The problem is that the Syrian ruling clique will not leave Lebanon alone. It is determined on reassertion through its allies, and its victory will be the end of any decent Lebanon. Lebanese pluralism cannot coexist with Bashar al-Asad’s regime† (Harris 2009: 22).The 2005 murder of Rafik Hariri started a period of exceptional domestic political turbulence and regional tensions, it led to institutional paralysis (ICG 2010: i). Initially experts accused Damascus. It is assumed that it is part of a Syrian plot to destabilize the country. Officially no one knows who carried out the attack and who was behind it. What can be said is that the assassination of Hariri opened doors for many political actors to get into the Lebanese and Arab political scene. 4. 2 Israel â€Å"Throughout the relatively short history of their existence as modern states, Israel’s and Lebanon’s mutual border has proven to be largely disadvantageous to both countries† (Spyer 2009: 195).For Lebanon, Israel’s establishment was the primary cause for the eventual arrival of the Palestinian national movement to within its borders in 1970 (Spyer 2009: 195). This, in turn, was a key factor in precipitating the country’s ruinous civil war, the Israel-PLO war on Lebanese soil in 1982, the partial collapse of Lebanese sovereignty after the Syrian entry in 1990, and the partial Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon until 2000 (Spyer 2009: 195). The series of events that would lead to Israel’s involvement in Lebanon began with the Palestinian national movement in Lebanon. (Spyer 2009: 198). â€Å"Beirut became the international center of focus for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the place of residence of its senior leadership† (Spyer 2009: 198).As a result, Lebanon became one of the theatres in which the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians would be played out (Spyer 2009:198). Civ il order broke down in Lebanon in 1975, in a civil war in which the Palestinians played a central role. Contacts between Israel and prominent Lebanese Maronite politicians had been developing since the mid-1970s against the background of the breakdown of civil order in Lebanon and the central role of the PLO in the Muslim/ leftist coalition against which the Maronites were fighting (Spyer 2009: 199). Over time, Bashir Gemayel, most prominent among anti- Syrian Maronite leaders at the time, became the main Maronite contact for the Israelis (Spyer 2009: 199). Throughout, Bashir’s purpose was to encourage Israel to intervene against the Syrian garrison forces in Lebanon† (Spyer 2009: 199). The 1982 Lebanon War was very much the brainchild of Menachem Begin, the Israeli prime minister from 1977 till 1983 and Ariel Sharon the Israeli Minister of Defense during the war (Spyer 2009: 202). An anti-Gemayel, anti-Israel, anti-U. S. , and pro-Syrian alignment was now emerging as t he key political force in the country (Spyer 2009: 203). A number of inflammatory incidents deriving from Israel’s ignorance of the sensibilities of Shi’a Muslims contributed to the deterioration of the situation (Spyer 2009: 203). In 1985 Israeli forces occupied a strip of territory in southern Lebanon.A â€Å"security zone† close to the Israeli border, which was maintained in cooperation with the SLA (Spyer 2009: 204). Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from the security zone took place in 2000, thus ending the 18-year period of Israeli military involvement on Lebanese soil (Spyer 2009: 205). The Second Lebanon War which began on July 12, 2006 was one between Hezbollah and Israel. Resolution 1701, which ended the fighting, changed the situation in southern Lebanon to Israel’s advantage, in that it ended the de facto Hezbollah domination of the southern border area that had pertained since the unilateral Israeli withdrawal in May 2000 (Spyer 2009: 208 ). Israel currently has no dealings with any of the major political actors within Lebanon.However, while large-scale Israeli adventures to make alliance with political forces within Lebanon are part of the past, the weakness of the Lebanese state and central authority remain very much part of the present. One of the results of this weakness, which is itself a product of the country’s divided sectarian makeup, is its vulnerability to outside penetration, and therefore its oft-repeated, luckless fate as the launching ground for attacks by various forces (the PLO, Syria, now Iran and Hizballah) against Israel, its southern neighbor. This fact remains the core reality behind Israel’s relations with Lebanon. It is unlikely that the final word in this story has been written. 4. 3 Iran Lebanon’s Shi’a community resides in the heart of the largely Sunni Arab world and on the frontline with Israel; therefore, Lebanon’s Shi’a are of double interest to their coreligionists in revolutionary Shi’a Iran† (Harris 2009: 10). â€Å"Hezbollah was and remains a militant Khomeinist Islamist movement that adheres to Khomeini’s doctrine of velayet-e-faqih, rule by a cleric in an Islamist state. Its ties to Iran are organic, multifaceted, and complex† (Badran 2009: 47). In order to understand Hezbollah’s origins properly, one must remember that the major force pushing for its establishment was the Islamic regime in Iran, as it worked to unite the Shi’a factions and forces operating in Lebanon (Zisser 2009: 158). Iran wanted everyone to work together under the Hezbollah framework (Zisser 2009: 158).The crisis situation that developed from the early 1970s onward became the breeding ground for a process of religious radicalization (Zisser 2009: 158). In these circumstances, Musa al-Sadr, a religious figure of Iranian origin, appeared and gained a position of great influence and power in the Shi’a community (Zisser 2009: 158). Hezbollah’s dilemma has to do with its identity, which contains a tension built into its very origins and being (Zisser 2009: 156). How is this tension—between the organization’s Lebanese-Shi’a identity on the one hand and its Islamic-revolutionary identity, its commitments to Iran, and its conception of the holy jihad on the other—to be resolved? The balance ow seems to be turning in favor of the Islamic-revolutionary identity, which also means turning in favor of Tehran (Zisser 2009: 156). There is no doubt that the war and its aftermath revealed as never before, and against the desire and interests of Hezbollah, the fact that the organization is the handiwork of Tehran, if not simply its instrument. Hezbollah has also been exposed as an organization dedicated to and active in achieving radical and far-reaching aims (Zisser 2009: 156-157). Its aim in the short term is to gain dominance over Lebanon and in the long te rm to turn that country into a Shi’a-dominated state ruled by Islamic law and closely linked to Iran (Zisser 2009: 157).From the mid- 1980s the organization began (with generous Iranian help) to establish a network of social and welfare services that would draw the support of the Shi’a community and provide it with an alternative to the services provided by the Lebanese state, or, to be more precise, to the benefits and aid the state should have provided for this population and did not (Zisser 2009: 159). With the build-up of this social infrastructure, the movement contributed to undermining the position of the Lebanese government. By the end of the 1980s the Iranian-sponsored Hezbollah grew in popularity as a force combining opposition to Israeli occupation with a wider Shi’a Islamist ideology implacably opposed to Israel’s existence and to the West (Sper 2009: 204).Hezbollah’s advance to the international boundary in southern Lebanon made it eve n more useful to its Iranian and Syrian patrons as a deterrent force in case of threats from Israel or the United States. It seemed to have it within its power to take over Lebanon—or at least those parts of the country inhabited by Shi’a—and to establish an Islamic order there on the Iranian model (Harris 2009: 71). As a result of the Iranian-Syrian agreement after the Ta’if Accord ended the Lebanese war, Hezbollah was the only militia to be excluded from handing over its weapons under the pretext that it was a â€Å"resistance movement† fighting Israeli occupation rather than a militia (Badran 2009: 47). This was a big mistake as it induces fragility.Since the Israeli withdrawal in 2000 and more so after the Syrian withdrawal in 2005, the fate of Hezbollah’s armed status (which has grown massively and developed doctrinally, ironically, after the Israeli withdrawal) is the central issue in Lebanon today (Badran 2009: 47). Hezbollah had pres ented itself as the â€Å"defender of Lebanon† but proved to be its ruination since it brought so much destruction down upon the heads of its people (Zisser 2009: 166). After the 2006 war Hezbollah had difficulty maintaining the ambiguity about its identity (Zisser 2009: 166). In particular, the contrasts and contradictions between the organization’s Lebanese identity and its loyalty to Iran, on the one hand, and its Islamic-revolutionary identity with its commitments to Iran, on the other, were exposed (Zisser 2009: 173).Hezbollah had tried to bridge or obscure these troublesome conflicting elements over the years (Zisser 2009: 173). Yet in the moment of truth it became clear that it was not prepared to renounce its partially hidden agenda—that is, its loyalty to Iran and the ideas of radical Islam and jihad (Zisser 2009: 173). Hezbollah was now perceived more and more as a Shi’a organization serving the interests of Iran, as well as being an organizatio n sinking deeper and deeper into the quicksand of Lebanese politics (Zisser 2009: 166). It dragged Lebanon into a bloody battle with Israel, whose price was paid, first and foremost, by the Shi’a of Lebanon but also by many other Lebanese from other ethnic communities (Zisser 2009: 173).It seems that the organization, inspired and helped by Iran, its ally and patron, is more committed than ever to continue the long and unremitting struggle it began when it was first established in the early 1980s, with the ultimate aim of taking power in Lebanon (Zisser 2009: 174). The possibility that Hezbollah might succeed in its mission has become more realistic, thanks to the demographic processes taking place in Lebanon. Hezbollah is therefore a major destabilizing factor (Zisser 2009: 175). 5. Lebanon: a conflict-affected fragile state When Lebanon gained independence in 1941, the country found itself at a loss without the French hierarchy to maintain internal control and order. A new class of political elites, with little experience, was forced to discover ways to deal with the diversity of Lebanese society. It was with this in mind that the National Pact of 1943 was crafted.The Pact was based on the census of 1932, and sought to address divisions among the Lebanese, but in the end, it would only serve to deepen them. In the years after the Arab-Israeli War, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict landed on Lebanon’s doorstep with the arrival of Palestinian commandos. Many Palestinian refugees, as well as militants, settled in camps in southern Lebanon, the legacy of which continues to influence Lebanese society. The migration of Shi’a to the capital, which was triggered by Israeli raids, heightened the already volatile mix of interests within the Lebanese political sphere. Ignored throughout the mandate years, the introduction of the confessional system saw the Shi’a fight for an equal voice alongside the Sunnis, Druze, and Maronites.As Lebanese s ociety became increasingly divided, individual sectarian groups began to arm themselves militarily through their own militia organizations. Today, these militias still play a key role within the Lebanese security sphere. Ultimately, the Palestinian presence within Lebanon acted as a trigger to the outbreak of civil war among all Lebanese factions. Although Palestinian militants were the original cause of the war, it was sectarian interest and division that sustained the conflict well into the following decade. The ceasefire agreement reached by Syria and the PLO in 1976 sealed Syrian dominance within Lebanon and has had a lasting impact on the country well into the early 2000s.Nonetheless, the agreement did little to improve sectarian division and militia violence on the ground. The decades following the 1982 Israeli War continued to be marred by sectarian conflict and an international tug of war for Lebanon. Tensions along the Lebanese-Israeli border have continued well into the pr esent day, in light of suspicions that Hezbollah is rearming for any future conflict. Ultimately, the greatest consequence of the summer war can be understood in terms of power within Lebanon. Indeed, the summer 2006 war marked the advent of power for Hezbollah, both within Lebanon and throughout the region. Considering it is a non-state actor, and that Lebanese President Fouad Siniora was in power, Hezbollah acted with state authority.This conflict reopened old wounds within Lebanese society, seeing as Hezbollah feels vindicated by the 2006 conflict and now seeks full recognition of its power. Moreover, state fragility is further deepened in a context where conflict has led to the intervention of external actors, each of whom have chosen sides in a dispute whose political and strategic consequences extend well beyond Lebanon. The current dynamics of fragile state security in Lebanon are not being dictated by Lebanese interests, but rather by the broader external policy aims of fore ign parties such as Syria, Israel, and Iran. This situation is particularly problematic for the prospects of long-term and lasting stability within Lebanon.Although sectarian politics have been an influential reality since Lebanon became a fully independent state in 1941, they have taken on a new shape in an environment defined by the post 9/11 context and by three main evolutions, namely the 2005 assassination of former Lebanese President Rafik Hariri, the 2005 withdrawal of Syrian military forces, and Hezbollah’s rise to power in Lebanon. Conclusion The central question throughout this paper has been whether Lebanon is a fragile state or not. The precarious political order of Lebanon has illustrated the distinctiveness of the country. Although colonial rule is not unique to the Lebanon, its colonial past, combined with the evolution of politics, economics, and society in the region, as well as the role played by external actors, molds a very specific set of circumstances vi s-a-vis state security that translates into an expression of fragile state security very specific to the region. The Lebanese State has always been weak.Politicians have generally sought to serve interests of their constituencies instead of the national interest. This factor has its roots in the National Pact that limited the authority of the state to maximize the autonomy of sectarian groups. As a result, Lebanese citizens feel loyalty towards their community instead of towards the country. Lebanon’s political system erodes the authority of the state by fuelling clientelism. Foreign protection of or influence on each community further undermines this authority. Moreover, Lebanon’s political system makes the state vulnerable to any stifled sense of frustration or injustice or dispossession felt by any community. Consequently, patronage networks swiftly re-emerged.In all, Lebanon’s political system is based upon the principle that the State should interfere in so ciety as little as possible. The resulting weakness of state institutions has made Lebanon vulnerable to infringements of its domestic, interdependence and sovereignty. The rise of Hezbollah has made this clear. In section 1, fragile states were defined as states that are failing, or at risk of failing, with respect to authority, comprehensive basic service provision, or legitimacy. In conclusion, in this sense, Lebanon â€Å"passed† on all three domains. Lebanon fails to protect its citizens as there is significant organized political violence; civil war’s.Also there is periodic political or communal violence causing deaths and destruction. Although the authority of the state is being undermined, it does not go as far as to say that the state authority (at present) does not extend to a significant proportion of the country. Hezbollah made sure to illustrate the inadequate delivery of services by the state. Also, in Lebanon the question of legitimacy is raised, inheren t in being a multi-communal state. â€Å"Lebanon, from all observable indicators, embodies the phenomenon of schism in the political and cultural realms (†¦) it is a society without foundation, fragile, divided, disjointed and torn† (Dr.Khalaf, cited in Raphaeli 2009: 109). Bibliography – Badran, T. (2009) ‘Lebanon’s militia wars’, in: Rubin (ed), Lebanon: Liberation, Conflict and Crisis. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 35-62. – DfID (2005) Why we need to work more effectively in fragile states . Department for International Development. – El-Khazen, F. (2000) The breakdown of the state in Lebanon, 1967-76. London : I. B. Tauris & Co Ltd – Farha, M. (2009) ‘Demographic Dilemma’s’, in: B. Rubin (ed), Lebanon: Liberation, Conflict and Crisis. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 83-99. – Foreign Policy (2011a) FAQ & Methodology, Foreign policy. Online at: http://www. foreignpolicy. om/articles/2009/06/22/200 9_failed_states_index_faq_methodology(retrieved 28 February 2011). – Foreign Policy (2011b) The Failed States Index 2010, Foreign policy. Online at: http://www. foreignpolicy. com/articles/2010/06/21/2010_failed_states_index_interactive_map_and_rankings (retrieved 28 February 2011). – Harris, W. (2009) ‘Lebanon’s Roller Coaster Ride’, in: B. Rubin (ed), Lebanon: Liberation, Conflict and Crisis. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 63-82. – ICG (2010) Lebanon’s Politics: The Sunni Community and Hariri’s Future Current, Middle East Report, N °96. – Iqbal, Z. and H. Starr (2007) State Failure: Conceptualization and Determinants. Working paper, University of South

An Outpost of Progress Infobox

Notes for the Teachers One Language – Many Voices Joseph Conrad: An Outpost of Progress INfO-BOx Cultural and historical background The colonization of Central Africa did not set in until the very end of the 19th century, when ‘the scramble for Africa’ – the race of European powers to divide the continent among themselves – got under way: In 1870 European countries owned only 10% of Africa, by 1900 it was 90%. For a long time access to the huge territories in the Congo River basin was considered impossible due to the impenetrable forests and the impassable rapids of the river itself, which served as a barrier to European exploitation.The adventurer and journalist Henry Morton Stanley gained the interest and support of the Belgian King Leopold II for his expeditions into the Congo basin ‘to prove that the Congo natives were susceptible of civilization and that the Congo basin was rich enough to repay exploitation’. In the name of Leopold II he appropriated land and labour for the king’s newly founded ‘Association Internationale du Congo’. Leopold’s claim to the Congo was recognized at the International Africa Conference in Berlin in 1884–1885, presided over by Bismarck. The Congo Free State, as it was ironically called, was confirmed as the private property of King Leopold II in return for guarantees of neutrality, free trade and opposition to slavery. The Congo Free State, 1900 next to nothing, apart from small amounts of cloth, beads or brass rods. The rubber boom started in the mid-1890s due to the increasing industrial demand from Europe. While the rubber trade made a fortune for Leopold II, it led to the extreme brutalization of the local population. Under Leopold’s ownership approximately 10 million Congolese died as a consequence of exploitation and disease.To enforce the rubber quotas, the Force Publique (FP) was called in. The FP was an army, but its aim was not to defend the country, but to terrorize the population, which it did by cutting off the limbs of the natives; this practice was disturbingly widespread. When news of these atrocities reached Europe, there was a public outcry; the British parliament asked Roger Casement to make an inquiry into the situation in the country. The result of his enquiry was the famous Congo Report (1904). Casement had been a British diplomat in the Congo, where he met Conrad and whose Heart of Darkness (1899) had deeply influenced him.In 1903 Conrad wrote to Casement saying, ‘there exists in Africa a Congo State, created by the act of European powers, where ruthless, systematic cruelty towards the blacks is the basis of the administration’. Conrad’s novel also contributed to a widespread knowledge of the colonial abuses and crimes taking place in Africa. In 1908 Leopold II was forced to sell the Congo Free State to the Belgian government, which annexed it as a Belgian colony until its independence in 1960, when it was named Zaire. Its history since then has not been much happier. Following the secessionist Katanga CivilWar, the country was brutalized under the dictatorship of President Mobutu. In 1997, when Mobutu was overthrown by the rebel leader Laurent Kabila, the country was renamed The Democratic Republic of the Congo. Torn between ethnic strife and civil wars, involving refugees from Rwanda and Burundi and displacements from Sudan, the country is still unstable. Biographical aspects Ivory and rubber were the main sources of income for King Leopold’s company and its agents: they and their African auxiliaries seized all the ivory that could be found, buying tusks from villages for a pittance, or simply confiscating them.They were working on a lucrative commission structure imposed by the King in 1890, of which the African elephant hunters received 26 As captain of a steamship, Joseph Conrad travelled up the Congo River to Central Africa and the heart of the Congo in 1890, and then went on an overland track to Leopoldville (now Kinshasa). As we kn ow from his diaries and letters, which he wrote in English, he was deeply concerned with the greed of Belgian (and other European) merchants, the abuses of colonial powers and atrocities committed by white managers and their black auxiliaries, always in the name of a missionary and rogressive spirit to ‘enlighten the dark continent’. But he also met with what he thought to be cannibalism, and was confused Notes for the Teachers by the natives’ drums and ‘wild savagery’. His decision to resign from his post as captain was as much caused by his ill health as by his desire to become a writer. It has been said that ‘Africa killed Conrad the sailor and strengthened Conrad the writer’1 In his extensive writings (over 40 works of fiction of various length) the themes of travel and the pursuit of material and idealistic goals as well as isolation, ambition and failure can be said to be drawn from his own experiences.Conrad: An Outpost of Progress His deep-rooted scepticism of imperialism can be linked to his Polish background: born into a nation which had vanished from the map after being annexed by Russia, Prussia and Austria in 1795, and into a family which had opposed Russian oppression and been exiled to Ukraine, Conrad had good reason to question the right of stronger powers to impose their wills on smaller nations. 1 Jean-Aubry, Georges. Joseph Conrad in the Congo. New York: Haskell, 1973. Interpretation Summary Kayerts and Carlier are p ut in charge of a remote and unpromising trading station on a river.

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Terrorism, Its Cause and Its Solution Essay Political Parties and Their Roles A political party is defined as an organised group of people with at least roughly similar political aims and opinions, that seeks to influence public policy by getting its candidates elected to public office. Parties tend to be deeply and durably entrenched in specific substructures of the specific society in a sustainable and well functioning democracy. They can link the governmental institutions to the elements of the civil society in a free and fair society and are regarded as necessary for any modern democratic system. Political parties perform key tasks in a democratic society, such as 1. socialising and educating voters and citizens in the functioning of the political and electoral system and the generation of general political values 2. balancing opposing demands and converting them into general policies 3. Activating and mobilising citizens into participating in political decisions and transforming their opinions into viable policy options 4. Channelling public opinion from citizens to government 5. Recruiting and training candidates for public office. Political parties are often described as institutionalized mediators between civil society and those who decide and implement decisions. By this, they enable their members’ and supporters’ demands to be represented in parliament and in government. Even though parties fulfil many vital roles and perform several functions in a democratic society, the nomination and presentation of candidates in the electoral campaign is the most visible function to the electorate. To perform the above mentioned tasks and functions, political parties and citizens need some rights and obligations guaranteed or ruled by constitution or law. These include * Freedom of organisation * Freedom to stand for election * Freedom of speech and assembly * Provision of a fair and peaceful competition * Mechanisms of plurality * Inclusion in the electoral process and contacts with the EMB * A  level playing field and freedom from discrimination * Media access and fair reporting * Transparent and accountable political finance The internal functioning of individual political parties is to some extent determined by forces that are external to political parties, such as the electoral system, political culture, legal regulations, etc. However, internal processes of political parties, such as the personality of leaders and staff, the ideological foundations, party history, and internal political culture are considered to be even more influential on the internal functioning. If a political party would like the democratic principles of electoral politics to be applied within the party, they may consider practices like internal information and consultation processes, internal (formal or informal) rules and structures for the organisation and decision-making within the party, and transparency in the party’s functioning at all levels. Party members may also take on more formal roles in decision-making like participating in internal elections for leadership positions or in selecting the party’s candida te(s) in the upcoming elections. Many parties also work actively to enhance the role oftraditionally under-represented groups in their parties. Role Of Political Parties In spite of the Founders’ intentions, the United States in 1800 became the first nation to develop nascent political parties organized on a national basis to accomplish the transfer of executive power from one faction to another via an election. The development and expansion of political parties that followed was closely linked to the broadening of voting rights. In the early days of the republic, only male property owners could vote, but that restriction began to erode in the early 19th century as the result of immigration, the growth of cities and other democratizing forces, such as the westward expansion of the country. Over the decades, the right to vote was extended to ever larger numbers of the adult population as restrictions based on property ownership, race and sex were eliminated. As the electorate expanded, the political parties evolved to mobilize the growing mass of voters as the means of political control. Political parties became institutionalized to accomplish this essential task. Thus, parties in  America emerged as a part of democratic expansion, and, beginning in the 1830s, they became firmly established and powerful. In recent decades, increasing numbers of individual voters classify themselves as â€Å"independent,† and they are permitted to register to vote as such in many states. Yet, according to opinion polls, even those who say that they are independents normally have partisan leanings toward one party or another. Political Parties play various role such as; role in elections, role in local government,role in Policy macking,Role in government and role in a democracy.these role are explain given below. 1.Election Process: Election is the fundamental part of the government which was founded on the principle that the power to govern resides in the people.Elections provides the mean by which the people delegates this power to elected representative.By voting for government officials,the public makes choices about policies,programs and future direction of government actions.At the same time election make government officials accountable to their constituents.Elected officials must conduct themselves in responsible manner and take into account popular interest and the wishesof those they represent.Otherwise they risk being voted out of office.This system depends primerily on the voters.The electoral process only work if people participate. 2.Functions of political Parties: Political parties perform an important task in government. They bring people together to achieve control of the government, develop policies favorable to their interests or the groups that support them, and organize and persuade voters to elect their candidates to office. Although very much involved in the operation of government at all levels, political parties are not the government itself, and the Constitution makes no mention of them. The basic purpose of political parties is to nominate candidates for public office and to get as many of them elected as possible. Once elected, these officials try to achieve the goals of their party through legislation and program initiatives. Although many people do not think of it this way, registering as a Democrat or Republican makes them members of a political party.  Political parties want as many people involved as possible. Most members take a fairly passive role, simply voting for their partys candidates at election time. Some become more active and work as officials in the party or volunteer to persuade people to vote. The most ambitious members may decide to run for office themselves. 3.Role in policy making: Political parties are not policymaking organizations in themselves. They certainly take positions on important policy questions, especially to provide alternatives to the position of whichever party is in power. When in power, a party attempts to put its philosophy into practice through legislation. If a candidate wins office by a large majority, it may mean that the voters have given him or her a mandate to carry out the program outlined in the campaign. Because President Bill Clinton failed to win a majority of the popular vote in both 1992 and 1996, few considered his victories a mandate for any specific policy or ideology. President George W. Bush also entered office without a clear mandate, because his opponent, Al Gore, won more votes (and might have won the Electoral College if not for irregularities, such as confusing ballots, in Florida). 4.Role in Democracy: Democracy can be defined as rule for the, of the, by the peole.Actually it would be a means by which a government can run.infact democracy is based on free and fair Election machenism,adult francise,participation of all people in decision making etc. freedom of all parties to take part in election is one of the most importent thing so as to assure democracy or again democracy is maintain when there is morethen one political party it reflect public opinion and mass participation in decision making for their own.so the existence of political party implice the range of democracy. 5.Role in Local Government: Local candidates standing on a party card should have the advantage of a protective and developmental party machine behind them, schooling them beforehand on the issues, means and procedures of local government. In, practice however, this rarely, if ever, happens. Strategic advance thinking  and preparation – and the organisational focus and capability to deliver it – is, somehow, not the British thing. In theory, Independent candidates cannot be expected to have such support, while in practice, they are no more enabled or disabled by this than are their party political rivals. Where party backing comes into play is, to a degree, in the matter of campaigning. Behind party candidates is some sort of a ‘machine’ – not, actually a realistic concept in the ad hockery of local government at all levels. But there will at least be a knowledge of what to do and how to do it. This can be as much a disadvantage as an advantage as it will tend to perpetuate the status quoand to lack innovation; although it has great practical value in access to existing lists (the word ‘database’ would, in most cases, be stretching the point) and contacts. Party-based candidates will generally be given – or have imposed upon them – overarching, party-driven manifesto commitments to flesh out the paragraphs in their election literature and save them the trouble of thinking too much. Independents fly absolutely solo on the means and content of their campaigns. They have neither guidance nor instruction nor any or much campaigning infrastructure. 6.Regional Division and Politics of Alliances: Although the political contest in Pakistan is often depicted as a battle between the two major parties, this is something of a fallacy. Notably in the smaller provinces, strong regional-based parties have existed since the creation of Pakistani, and this tendency has continued till the present date, providing perhaps some indication of the ethnic, and ideological, diversity in the country. One of the parties which most effectively demonstrates the ethnic nature politics has frequently pursued in Pakistan is the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), a party which holds almost total sway as far as electoral success is concerned in the Sindh capital of Karachi – Pakistan’s largest city, gaining over 5 per cent of the national vote in both 1988 and 1990, an astonishing figure given its narrow base. On both occasions this translated into 13 National Assembly, and 28 Sindh seats. The MQM boycotted the 1993 polls. In the 1997 polls, it again claimed a share of just under 5 per cent of the  vote, which gave it 12 seats in the NA. 7.Political trends: While in terms of numbers, the political parties engaged in the electoral contest in Pakistan is great, this does not represent, in ideological terms, a political diversity. The class base for most of the parties has failed to move beyond the traditional elite which wields influence in Pakistans politics, and even when representatives from the middle-classes have emerged, as in the case of those making up the leadership of the MQM, they heave tended to articulate interests based on factors of ethnicity, other narrow categories, rather than on the basis of broader class interests. Moreover, in terms of ideology, the major political parties have been moving closer towards each other, and generally steering away from agendas advocating radical social change. The divide in terms of policy is narrower than ever before, and despite their vociferous attacks on each other, and the deep-rooted polarisation which often prevents them from coming together even on matters of common interest, the leading parties in the country represent a single force, rather than a range of groups articulating different, conflicting interests.The virtual disappearance of the left from electoral politics in Pakistan has aggravated this tendency, with conflict between parties based largely on rhetoric or highly personalised attacks on party leaders. The fact that, on the basis of political opportunism, members of one party are frequently willing to switch alliances and move to another group perhaps reflects the extent to which politics in the country have been stripped of ideological beliefs or commitment. And, even for the parties themselves, it is electoral pragmatism aimed at increasing vote banks and seat shares which for the most part dictates strategy, rather than the pursuit of the lofty ideals detailed in party manifestoes.

Summer Solstice Essay Example for Free

Summer Solstice Essay The Summer Solstice is a short story written by Nick Joaquin. The book tells the story of a ritual performed by women to call upon the gods to grant fertility. The ritual they perform is to dance around a century-old Balete tree. The ritual was known as Tatarin and lasted for three days during the summer months. The last day of Tatarin is the same day as St. Johns Day. The story is set on St Johns Day in the 1850s in the Philippines. Entoy tells Dona Lupeng that Amada has participated in the ritual. While they are on board a carriage, Dona Lupeng talks about why Amada still believes in the ritual. The carriage comes to a halt and everyone watches a procession taking place. Dona Lupeng mocks the arrogance of the men taking part in the procession. When they arrive at a house Dona Lupeng discovers that Guido, Don Paengs cousin, had taken part in both the procession they have just witnessed and in the Tatarin ritual. Guido lifted Dona Lupengs skirt whilst she was looking for her children. Dona Lupeng then tells Don Paeng about the incident and tells him that Guido had even kissed her feet. Don Paeng is disgusted that the woman has been shown adoration, as he feels that love and respect are more befitting. Dona Lupeng and Don Paeng go to witness the ritual and Dona Lupeng joins in with the ceremony.Once home, Dona Lupeng makes Don Paeng tell her that he adores her. He submits by kissing her feet. SETTING It was 1850’s during the Spanish period and the 2nd-3rd day of St. John’s Day. The main events in the story happened in the Moretas residence and at their town’s mini plaza and those happened during the night. CHARACTERS Donya Lupeng Moreta- long-married woman with three children Don Paeng Moreta- the highly moral husband of Donya Lupeng Guido- young cousin to the Moretas who studied in Spain Amada- the family cook and Entoys wife Entoy- the family driver RESOLUTION Paeng kissed her feet despite of his bruises. Lupeng shocked not knowing that he will actually do it. POINT OF VIEW Third person omniscient was the point of view of the sorry where in the both reader and writer observe the thoughts of more than one character.

Symptomatic Intratendinous Ganglion Cyst of Peroneus Tertius

Symptomatic Intratendinous Ganglion Cyst of Peroneus Tertius Symptomatic intratendinous ganglion cyst of the peroneus tertius in an Irish dancer ABSTRACT The case of an 18-year-old female high level Irish dancer who presented with a painful mass at dorsum of the foot is reported. A database search of Medline and PubMed only revealed one such case and it did not result from sport injury. This is the first case of intratendinous ganglion cyst of the peroneus tertius in a dancer reported in a literature. It details the surgical repair, complication and the possible mechanism that can lead to the formation of ganglion cyst in an Irish dancer. INTRODUCTION Ganglion cysts are benign tumour-like masses that arise from the mucinous degeneration of collagen fibers of the tendon and cellular hyperplasia that associated with active secretion of mucin.[1] They characteristically arise either from the synovium of joints or tendon sheaths. We present a case report of an 18-year-old female Irish dancer with a symptomatic intratendinous ganglion cyst of the peroneus tertius. CASE REPORT An 18 year-old female Irish dancer presented with a painful mass in the left foot. (Fig 1) The pain was related to the dorsum of the foot. Worse on dancing and she complained of intermittent paraesthesia over the dorsolateral border of the foot after dancing practice. There was no history of discrete trauma to the foot. She was a high level athlete and had competed at national and international Irish dancing competitions. Examination revealed an oval cystic mass of size 2cm x 3cm. There was an otherwise normal range of movement of the foot and ankle. The superficial peroneal nerve was stretched over the mass, there was no sensory deficit. Plain X-Rays of the foot were normal. MRI (Fig 2) confirmed the presence a mass along the dorsum of the foot consistent with a ganglion cyst closely adjacent to the extensor tendons. There was no evidence of tenosynovitis. The risks and benefits of conservative versus operative treatment were discussed and the patient and her family elected for surgical intervention. A dorsolateral incision was utilised with protection of the superficial peroneal nerve. The ganglion was arising form and adherent to the peroneus tertius tendon (Fig 3). The tendon was salvaged during the operation. It was decided not to perform an ‘en bloc’ resection of the ganglion due to concern about function loss in this high level athlete. Excision of the ganglion by means of longitudinal incision in the tendon was done, followed by repair of the tendon with a running absorbable suture. She made an uneventful recovery and remains well at 12-months follow-up. She has returned to dancing with no symptoms or local recurrence. DISCUSSION The Peroneus Tertius (PT) muscle arises from distal one third of anterior surface of fibula; it may be fused with distal portion of extension digitorum longus, through an interosseous margin. The peroneus tertius tendon is located lateral to the extensor digitorum longus tendon and inserts on the superior surface of the fifth metatarsal base. PT acts as an evertor/dorsiflexor of the foot that works when the foot is off the ground in concert with the other anterior compartment leg muscles.[2] The PT functions to fine tune of the foot position during swing phase which is one of the important movements as a dancer.[2] The incidence of foot and ankle ganglion is between 3-5%.[3] Traditionally, they have been classified according to their site of origin: the tendon sheath, joint, bone or soft tissue.[4] Ganglion cysts have been reported in most joints throughout the body, commonly about the wrist. Intratendinous ganglion cysts arising in the foot are uncommon.[5] The provisional diagnosis of intratendinous ganglion is based on the physical examination by palpation of a distinct mass that moves with tendon excursion. Plain radiographs are often normal and an MRI scan does not always differentiate between a simple ganglion and one that is adherent or arising from a tendon. This has important implications for the patient with regard to pre operative counselling with regard to sacrificing of the tendon or recurrence rates following surgery. Two possible mechanisms of pathogenesis of ganglion cysts have been proposed; internal or external. Internal: Mucoid degeneration of tendon ground substance forming cavities full of vicious fluid which may precipitate an intratendinous ganglion.[4] External: Repetitive friction may result in tenosynovitis in which inflammation may cause ganglion formation within the tendon.[6] In a study of Irish dancers by Walls and colleagues, only 3 ankles out of 18 were considered radiologically normal. Irish dance contains lots of jumps which require a large amount of lower extremity strength and stability. One of the Irish dance moves is to stand â€Å"on toe† with ankles fully plantar flexed and knees extended then jump from this position. They produce sound while moving across the floor when standing â€Å"on toe† by creating enough friction between the shoes and the ground. Thus, the peroneal muscles attempt to compensate. Overuse peroneal muscle for this static stabilizing function and dynamic dance movements may lead to tendonitis and tenosynovitis.[7] The most common injury in female Irish dancers is a stress fracture in which the most common sites are the sesamoids bone (27.7%) and metatarsals (23.1%).[8] Peroneus tertius tendon is one of the tendons that insert at the metatarsal. A spiral fracture of the fifth metatarsal base also known as a ‘Dance fracture’ typically occurs when the dancer rolls ‘off pointe’ or landing on the lateral aspect of the foot after a jump where there is limited bony stability supporting the ankle. Higher demands for stability are placed on the ligaments and peroneal muscles. Ankles sprains are the most common acute injury in Irish dance population.[7] Repetitive sprains have also been linked to increased risk of osteoarthritis and articular degeneration at the ankle.[9] Hence, it may lead to the formation of ganglion cyst. There are two types of shoes worn by Irish dancer which namely â€Å"ghillie†, a soft shoe and â€Å"hard shoe†. The ghillie is very thing, pliable leather shoes with small arch support and thin metatarsal and heel pads. The â€Å"hard shoe† is comparable to a tap shoe. The objective of this shoe is to be loud, powerful, and rhythmical while standing upright. As a result a large amount of pressure is put on the metatarsals and sesamoids. The superficial peroneal nerve descends anterior to the fibula and crosses the ankle joint roughly along the anterior midline. The ganglion cyst may compress the nerve and may result in impairment and loss of aversion. Compression neuropathies of the lower extremity are much less common than the upper extremity and only few cases have been described in the surgical literature since the first description of a neuropathy of the peroneal nerve by Sultan in 1921.[10] Since the exact cause of a ganglion cyst is still unknown, it is difficult to tell how to prevent the formation of intratendinous ganglion cyst. However, early evaluation and treatment are recommended. Surgical excision with careful preservation of the tendon with protection of the nerve gives excellent results. References: 1. Kannus P1 JL. Histopathological changes preceding spontaneous rupture of a tendon. A controlled study of 891 patients. J Bone Joint Surg Am 1991;73(10):1507-25 2. Witvrouw E1 BK, Willems TM, Huysmans J, Broos E, De Clercq D. The significance of peroneus tertius muscle in ankle injuries: a prospective study. . Am J Sports Med 2006;34(7):1159-63 3. Berlin SJ RL, Brown H, Finstein M. Soft Somatic Tumours of the Foot: Diagnosis and Surgical Treatment. New York: Futura Publishing Company, 1976. 4. S.C. Young AF. A case of an intratendinous ganglion, The Journal of Hand Surgery, . J Hand Surg Am 1985;10(5):723-24 5. De R. Cystic degeneration of the peroneus brevis tendon. J Bone Joint Surg Br 1959;41-B(2):362-4 6. Seidman GD MS. Intratendinous ganglia of the hand J Hand Surg Am 1993;18(4):707-10 7. Werber B. Dance medicine of the foot and ankle: a review. Clin Podiatr Med Surg 2011;28(1):137-54 8. Noon M HA, McNamara L, Schimke J. Injury patterns in female Irish dancers. PM R 2010;2(11):1030-4 9. J. H. Functional Anatomy, Pathomechanics, and Pathophysiology of Lateral Ankle Instability. J Athl Train 2002;37(4):364-75 10. Greer-Bayramoglu RJ1 NA, Gan BS. Compression neuropathy of the peroneal nerve secondary to a ganglion cyst. Can J Plast Surg 2008;16(3):181-83

An Epic Search in Their Eyes Were Watching God :: Their Eyes Were Watching God Essays

An Epic Search in Their Eyes Were Watching God In the novel, Their Eyes Were Watching God, Zora Neale Hurston shows how the lives of American women changed in the early 20th century. Zora Neale Hurston creates a character in her own likeness in her masterpiece, Their Eyes Were Watching God. By presenting Janie's search for identity, from her childbirth with Nanny to the death of Tea Cake, Hurston shows what a free southern black women might have experienced in the early decades of the century. To the racial ties that would affect Janie all the way through this life long search. Janie's search for identity actually started long before she was born. Because Janie's search is her family's search. Nanny and Janie's mom gave Janie a reason to search. They were always held back by their owners, and their owners took advantage of them, and raped them. They raped them of their identity. Nanny signifies to evade the realities of her life and the life of Janie. When Nanny says, "Thank yuh, Massa Jesus," she is illustrating that although she is no longer a slave, the slave consciousness has caused her to view even her relationship with the deity about slave and master. This makes Janie the leader of her family's search. However Nanny realized this, and when she saw that Janie was old enough for love she had her married. This guaranteed that Janie would not continue a loss of identity. Even as a young girl, living in the materialistic world of her Nanny and her first husband, Logan Killicks, Janie chooses to listen to "the words of the trees and the wind" (23-24). This is the first evidence of her searching beyond her boring life. This then leads to her everyday life left empty, because she is always looking farther than where she is at the time. So day by day she gets more worked up into leaving Logan, and searching for love. When she leaves Logan to run off with Joe, she thinks to herself, "Her old thoughts were going to come in handy now, but new words would have to be made and said to fit them" (31). Joe aims to be a big voice and that is why he comes to Eatonville, Florida. He feels that he will have a better chance at being a big voice in an all black town than in a white man's town. The problem is that he has adopted white man's values and forces them upon the townspeople and, most notably, upon

Explain how Charles Causley uses literary effects in his poem, The :: English Literature

Explain how Charles Causley uses literary effects in his poem, 'The Cowboy Song. How do they add to the reader's enjoyment? The poet, Charles Causley, and his poem, the Cowboy Song, is about a lonely ghost cowboy. Gradually the poet is telling the reader through the stanzas that the cowboy is died, at 20. The cowboy led a sad life with events like his sister and father fleeing. Charles Causley does this effectively, and this essay is going to explain how the poet uses literary effects like onomatopoeia, alliteration and metaphors, and how these effects add to the reader's enjoyment. To start with, I am going to tell you about the rhythm and rhyme of the poem. The rhythm and rhyme give the poem and sort of fell that makes it fell like a song. We can connect this with the title (Cowboy Song). There is a steady beat of 8,7,11,6 but this may vary slightly in some stanzas. Like in the last stanza it is 7,6,8,6. The rhythm and rhyme actually make the poem quite jolly, though it is a very sad poem!?! It is a big contrast. There is a strong difference and it is there to leave us with a moral. Which infact is the whole poem, and this is what the contrast does. The first stanza is set at nighttime. In this stanza we can see a verity of effects like alliteration, metaphors, similes and the effect you would find in any good poem, rhythm and rhyme. Setting the scene in Salem County, the poet is already hinting at the supernatural. Salem is a place where we associate with witchcraft, ghosts, and unnatural things. One way to back this theory up is a simile, "sweet as an angels feet". Here he is describing the wheat and the effect is that obviously no one can touch or taste an angel's foot, so it makes it odd, and supernatural. The metaphors are 'blue-bone orchard' and 'marmalade moon'. I believe the blue-bone orchard is a graveyard. This is because he is awakening from his grave and it would make sense for someone to get up at the introduction of a poem, and not at the end for example. Also we have 'marmalade moon'. This is possible when the moon is rising or setting. But it is not made of marmalade, however the use of this metaphor gives a jolly effect. Alliteration highlights the words the poet wants you to fell and take in, not just read them. For example, 'zithering zephyrs'. We take this in and think about it better than a simple phrase like 'wind making

Levinas vis-à-vis the Other Essay -- Religion Philosophy

Levinas vis-à  -vis the Other Philosophy, arising from its Greek tradition of a â€Å"love of wisdom†, seeks to critically examine those questions most fundamental to humankind; it is concerned with essential concepts (or rather, questions) of being (metaphysics), rightness and goodness, knowledge, truth and beauty. As a branch of metaphysics, ontology seeks, in particular, to understand the nature of being (or existence) by placing objects within categories and organized totalities, while always assuming God as the first cause (causa sui). (Rebidoux) Yet as most philosophers such as Plato, Aristotle and Descartes each attest to their distinct definition of â€Å"being†, there is an exception to these ontological contenders: Emmanuel Levinas. By avoiding strict classification or definition in his writings (he avoids putting the saying into the said), Levinas seems to desire participation, or an encounter with, his reader. Levinas’ personal history – including an early exposure to the Bible and Jewish philosophy - may explain both his somewhat unorthodox methods and his massive undertaking of transforming Talmudic concepts into Greek philosophy.(Rebidoux, 19 Jan 2004) No doubt influenced by a traumatic experience as a Jew during the Second World War, Levinas also owes much of his ideological foundation to his studies with Heidegger and Husserl, who greatly inspired his awareness of phenomenology. In his writings, he applies Husserlian knowledge of this science of phenomena, i.e. things apprehended by consciousness and concrete experiencei [i] , to his ontological inquiry into the essence of being. Levinas founds these theories primarily on the â€Å"face to face† encounter with â€Å"the Other†. His notion of the Other, borrowed ... ...ylink). 27 February 2004 http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t98.e1245 6. Rebidoux, Michelle. Lecture. McGill University, Montreal. 21 January – 9 February 2004. Notes: [1] Left without any proof that the Infinite exists and having only a sense of transcendence and new-found ipseity, one’s experience of a â€Å"trauma of awakening† is no doubt completely and incommunicably personal, and therefore must be difficult for Levinas to convey to his readers, as it is for me to convey within the limits of this paper. [2] One’s own sense of self that arises from this initial inspiration of the Infinite would more aptly be called one’s ipseity, yet to speak of one’s ipseity would be to de-value its utmost personal meaning, and so for the purpose of this paper the ipseity of the Other will be referred to as his or her alterity.

Lady Macbeth Diary

Dear Diary, When I found out Duncan was coming to stay, I was anxious and excited that the king was coming to my castle. It was so perfect, so much had happened with Macbeth and I already told Macbeth about my joy and exited on his achievement. This time he had said that we could speak no further but I thought that meant he wanted to tell me something later. I not knowing what he was thinking come up conclusions. How wrong could I have been? The night of the banquet I have found him standing alone in a room thinking to himself.He said he would proceed no further with my plan. Well, I couldn’t believe it. I felt betrayed by my own husband. His will, was becoming a king but by his actions he would never reach there. To strengthen him up, I told him a few home truths. I said my husband is as weak as a newborn. He isn’t a man yet he cannot make up wise discussions. Anyways, after that he had said what if our plan fails and I then replied we will not fail because when Duncan is asleep you will go to his chamber and do as your fortune says.You will be the next king. After discussion he changed his mind and said he will do the deed. Then after I had given Macbeth the signal to go ahead with our plan. As I waited anxiously for the results, near Duncan`s room, I had to have a drink to give me strength and faith. I then started to imagine what was going on, but at one point I thought he had not done it. I could not have done it because Duncan resembles too much of my father. When Macbeth came back he was carrying two bloody daggers. Some warrior what Macbeth is!He just stood there saying awful and puzzling things and in the end I had to go back to hide the evidence so we could not get blamed for this event that occurred. After that we just washed our hands with water and went to get dressed into our nightgown to make it look like we just woke up. Macbeth was still frightened because of what he had done. Now I just hope Macbeth is king so I can be queen. I a m also concerned about him because he could instantly tell what he had committed, all what we have done can be lost. Love ,

Salvationist Governance

3. Explain how people (ministers, kindly workers, new(prenominal) employees, board members, volunteers) can be involved in giving medication in their day-to-day activities The organization of the repurchase legions calls for corporation of key individuals in matters of governing. be a registered charitable organization in many countries means adequate affaire of concerned parties in religious denominations and global capacity. Participation of parties in matters of governance in the day to day activity serves a very meaning(a) purpose of buyback regular army.The spread of gospel is a study concern of the ministers especially when dealing with friendship members. (Stephen, John, 2006, p. 6) Visiting the upchuck, providing food and separate canonic commodities to individuals serve a very important aspect of ministers involvement. The concourse is a very important element that needs the support of ministers in valuation of original tasks. Serving the entire nine or congregation calls for full participation of different stakeholders. Such individuals involved in repurchase the States include well-disposed workers, volunteers, employees and board members.These individuals atomic number 18 involved in various activities much(prenominal) taking dread of the sick old and disadvantaged members of the caller (Milkler, 1997, p. 21). For instance, volunteers participate in activities such as cleaning the sick, feeding the poor, providing clothes to the poor, and constructing houses for slight disadvantaged especially the disabled. Social workers and other employees at salvation host contrive social activities such as games that top to socialization. The board members are involved in devising decisions that keep the organization steadfast and going (Holktzman, 2003, p. 24). 4.In your opinion, what aspects of tete-a-tete arena organizations governance can be transferred to the salvation multitude? Governance in clubby orbit calls for i mplementation of certain policies in the running affairs of the organization. Since Salvation Army is similar to private sector certain governance components can be adopted. few of the leadership policies that can be borrowed from private sector include directors who are sovereign and diligence. This means that the board of directors is supposed to try signs of commitment to management and should not be given any other responsibility.In addition, the directors should be diligent in their governance models to ensure that affairs of Salvation Army are well addressed (Charities review Council, 2010). Application of good leadership models such as proper channels of converse is another major governance constitution that can be borrowed from private sector to Salvation Army. What aspects of the Salvation Armys governance utensils can be transferred to other nonprofits and what is peculiar to this organization? The Salvation Army is a non-profit make organization that aims at servi ng its congregation and the entire troupe in matters of religion.This being the case, some non-profit making organizations can borrow certain governance models from Salvation Army. One outstanding instrument is about auditing of accounts by qualified auditors a common practice in Salvation Army (Where Most needed, 2009). This involves supply and showing of strong, accountable and transparent financial statements reflecting the practice session of funds and assets of the entity. The congregation support activities of Salvation Army through contributions and this call for preparation of financial statements which are subject to auditing by qualified auditors.Adopting this measure by non-profit making organization builds confidence of its stakeholders which leads to proper public exposure of duties to the entire society. Another possible mechanism that can be adopted by the private sector is participation in charitable activities like visiting the sick and old in the society (Sie gel, 2007). These are peculiar activities carried on at Salvation Army and can be utilise to non-profit making organizations for purpose of promoting the dignity of pertinent stakeholders.BibliographyCharities Review Council 2010, Got Standards? So Do Charities, Viewed marvellous 24 2010 from Holktzman, M 2003, Internal mesh in the Talmud the Jerusalem Temple, The Accounting Historians, Vol. 30, p. 23-25Milkler, G 1997, Financial Accounting and Management in Governments, public Service and Charities, John Willey and Sons, in the altogether YorkSiegel, J 2007, Is There a craft To Gentrify? The Salvation Army As Real Estate Tycoon, Viewed August 24, 2010 from Stephen, G. & John, H 2006, Corporate Governance Consultants the Issue of Qualifications. The certified public accountant Journal, Vol.76, pp.1-15Where most needed 2009, Salvation Army Embraces Centralized, Corporate Management, Viewed August 24 2010 from